by chibyke

Introduction

Instructions

Steps

Overall Tips & Warnings

• All Rights reserved

为什么要“跟着党走？”

我认同 廖朝忠 先生的话，但是绝不表明我认同 the party's ideology and value and philosophy.

事实上，在上述领域，我的态度是截然相反的。

但是，在经济领域，想和 the party 较劲 是有些“蚍蜉撼大树”了。

当初，the party seized all properties and lands from the people.

现在，通过 contracts 仍然让大众享用的仍然是 70 years 的租用期，也就是撕毁契约的人，在用自己保护的契约约束和操纵大众。

the party, the government 牢牢地控制着 供给一边 的各种要素：

执照、行业准入、批文；

金融机构；

土地的审批和用途规定；

城市计划和设计；

司法和军队和核武器；

因此，虽然按照 price/rental, price/disposable income, price/cost, repurchase cost 等计算都已经表明处在明显高估状态。

在股票之上，难以计数的国资委拥有的“国有股份”，也就是政府股份，更是大的惊人。

可以说，整个股票市场都是在政府的掌握之下。

整个不动产市场；

整个版权市场，都在政府和 the party 的掌握之下；

整个 media 市场，也是如此；

金融市场；

石油；

航空；

汽车；

……

我们拥有希望！

胜利属于我们！

Sons of God!

Warren Buffet 就是 work, 做爱做的事。

不断锻炼自己的大脑肌肉；

我的秘诀就是 思考、写作、写blog，还有，就是 practise smile.

自由的真理

from 手术刀博客 by qlqlllplp

*   爱国主义者系谱：知识奴隶、文化奴隶、民族奴隶。

*   爱国主义对专制国家的民众来说，最大的魅惑力就在于颠倒了国家和人民的关系以混淆视听。专制国家的民众都在国家权力的压制下苟延残喘，这不会有另外。专制国家里人民的权力为零甚至为负数，专制国家的法律都是用来镇压人民的，这不会有另外。没有经过人民授权的权力都是不合法的。专制国家的一切都是以抢劫人民为前提。

*   爱国主义强迫人民相信，没有国家，人民的一切就得不到保护，国家是保护人民的。自由主义说，没有国家人民才可自由的生存和生活，没有国家，人民的一切才属于人民，国家是抢劫犯。

*   爱国主义相信国家奖赏给他们的荣誉。自由主义说，国家奖赏给人的荣誉中包含了令人恶心的奴役，来自国家的荣誉会再一次增强专制统治的力量。爱国主义因为其奴隶本性，把国家赏赐给他们的荣誉视为珍宝，到处炫耀，那些怀念前朝皇帝的爱国主义者就在这种自由人不屑一顾的奴隶荣誉中寄生，更加可恶的是他们也迫使他们的子孙成为国家荣誉的奴隶。

*   爱国主义是国家奴隶的意识。自由主义在专制国家产生是人类的一件大事，这意味着专制主义的邪恶面目将被自由主义把它亮出来，自由主义的清醒意识就是揭开爱国主义是如何把专制主义推上顶峰的邪恶力量。

*   自由主义者的清醒意识就是揭穿专制主义和爱国主义和民族主义的同一个本质：极权崇拜。

*   在多民族的国家中，总是其大民族以国家的权力在千方百计地控制小民族，总是大民族在厚颜无耻地代表小民族的意志。

*   爱国主义的大国情结说到底就是想把极权推向一个国家的每一个角落，让每一个人民无条件接受国家的统治和压迫，爱国主义不允许人民的自由存在，不允许人民发出与国家不同的声音。一个专制大国是人类最大的耻辱，那个国家给人民制造的灾难无穷无尽。如有可能，爱国主义也想把极权推向世界的每一个角落，让全世界的人民都在国家的淫威下俯首听命。

*   爱国主义意识根深蒂固的地方，专制政权就畅行无阻。好在今天的人类社会对国家淡漠，专制主义的地盘越来越小，好在人类的自由意识并没有被疯狂的爱国意识全部控制，好在自由主义意识在人类智力上保持着高度警惕和足够的智慧来揭示爱国主义是一种可怕的传染病。人类对爱国主义这个瘟疫已保有相当的免疫力。

*   爱国主义的大国意识就是大奴隶意识，大极权意识，在他们的口中常常挂着“我国”、“我们国家”如何如何，这种奴隶意识不允许人们对国家的作恶行为加以谴责、批评、拒绝。爱国奴们把国家的邪恶当作美德加以称颂。

*   爱国奴们把自己国家对他国的侵略称颂为英雄行为，把他国对自己的国家侵略成为强盗行为，爱国奴们把自己国家的一切美化得十全十美，把他国的一切无限地贬低，这种现象简直太露骨了。

*   爱国奴们毫无掩饰的忠君意识正合专制主义的意。忠君爱国正是专制主义的残暴统治得以进行的保证。专制主义的残暴正是建立在爱国奴们的忠君意识所谓群众基础上的。爱国奴们不仅憎恨比他们自己国家更自由的人民自由生活，而且也决不允许自己国家的人民对自由生活的向往。

*   爱国奴们言必称元首，对元首的崇拜是爱国奴们一贯的品行，凡元首的一句屁话也被爱国们视为圣旨，以元首的话作为判定一切的标准，凡元首的话在爱国奴们的心中都是金科玉律，他们一个劲地引用元首的话到处压人，这是常事。

*   爱国奴们的权威意识很能说明在专制国家塑造榜样的运动司空见惯。对权威的俯首帖耳是爱国奴们的特征，对官僚毕恭毕敬很能说明爱国奴们的奴隶本性。爱国奴们不仅自己无条件地服从权威而且还强迫他人同他们一样服从权威。

*   只要是国家塑造的榜样，爱国奴们也将起视为他们的道德楷模。凡国家塑造的榜样，爱国奴们都绝对相信其完美无缺。榜样意识也是奴隶意识的特征。

*   感恩意识是奴隶意识。爱国奴们经常提到感恩，但自由主义者清楚得很：感恩是人与人之间的一种高利贷意识，你帮了我我就要对你感恩，感恩是还不清的高利贷。自由主义者知道，人与人之间只要有了感恩意识，被帮助者将终身还不清帮助者的债务。

*   感恩意识是专制主义为人民设定的一个阴险的陷阱，自由主义者清楚得很，除了奴隶有这种意识外，一个自由社会中的人是不需要对他人感恩的。人道主义从来不需要感恩意识，因为我帮助你是我的自愿和良心，我不图回报，你记得我就急得记不得就罢了，我不会因为我帮了你让你感到你欠我什么。

*   感恩意识就是要求他们记住你的帮助，就是要求你在我面前永远感到你欠我我的情。感恩意识是完完全全的高利贷意识。这种意识是爱国奴们意识。如果有人帮助你并要求你记住他，这种人的帮助是陷阱。

*   感恩意识中最为可笑的，是感恩国家，感恩执政党，感恩军队，感恩政府。可以看出，爱国奴们是怎样的货色，就是让人欠国家、执政党、政府、军队，让人们永远是个债务人，而它们永远是债权人。这就是爱国奴们的感恩意识的陷阱。

*   自由主义者知道，人除了感恩大自然和上帝，人不能感恩人，更不能感恩国家政府军队这些权力机构。

*   自由主义者的深刻洞察力来自对人的基本存在——自由的真理，轻而易举看破爱国奴们的国家意识、权力意识、忠君意识、权威意识、榜样意识、感恩意识是如何地成为专制主义的帮凶的。

*   自由主义在专制国家出现是人类的一件大事，这意味着人道主义到来，自由主义尊重个人的自由存在，因为他知道，个人的自由是他人的自由前提，正是如此，他人的自由离不开每一个人的自由。自由主义者把自由的真理告诉人类，尤其告诉专制主义国家的人民是他的自由存在的天性，他的天才就是清醒的自由意识和彻底怀疑精神。

*   人道主义意识是最干净的人类意识，就是把人当作目的，反对把人当作他人的工具和手段，奴役人是人类最大的恶。人类的一切人为灾难都是人对人的奴役造成的，不可能有另外。人道主义者首先是同情那在人奴役人的地方产生的受奴役痛苦的人。

*   人道主义不能简单地看着是救苦救难，更不能简单地看作解决人类困难的工具，而应当看作是对人为灾难的反抗，但是人道主义至今还没进入他的本质角色，基于对个人存在的尊重和个人的自由存在的肯定，他帮助受苦的人是为了解除奴役状态，让受苦的人感到他的苦难是人类的恶强加在他身上的，让他意识到他原本自由。

*   人道主义在今天是如此脆弱，几乎总是被国家政治利用。

*   人道主义是跨国界、跨人种、跨政治意识形态的普世意识，是自由人的人类意识。人道主义的到来将为爱国奴们的国家崇拜意识带来尸衣。

*   没有人道主义意识，民主就不存在，民主社会是人民的基于自由存在的理想，民主国家还远未达到人道社会。专制国家反人道是铁的事实，无论它多么会狡辩，说什么他在为民的蒙人的鬼话，都骗不了自由主义者。

*   没有人道主义意识，今天就不会有民主国家，基本人权就得不到保证。极权国家没有人权，这是不争的事实。但是爱国主义会狡辩国家在为人民做事，甚至会强迫人民相信人民生活的变好是国家的方针政策好。但是自由主义看得清楚，人民的生活变好在专制国家完全是虚构，少数人的生活变好必定是以多数人的生活痛苦为代价。

*   专制国家可以用尽一切手段榨取人民的血汗，在算计榨取人民血汗方面，专制国家会用尽一切狡猾、卑鄙手段。在专制国家能靠勤劳的双手和专长就能致富的人应当非常清楚那是绝无可能的，不和权力狼狈为奸，休想致富。

*   在专制国家，公平，公正绝无可能，没有公平竞争的可能，权钱交易无处不在。自由人是无法忍受的。

*   专制国家到处都是腐败，专权是腐败的根源。哈耶克正确地指出，绝对权力导致绝对腐败。这些伟大的声音被爱国奴们的喧嚣声遮蔽，人民难以听见，还在幻想贤君圣主，这是相当可悲的。把希望寄托在某个权力人物上，这是极其可悲的。

*   自由主义者很清楚：民主政治才是现代政治，人民少受压迫和剥削，少受专制权力强加给人民痛苦的政治，人民可以不受限制地表达自己的痛苦，可以不断减轻痛苦，可以决定和选举出不作恶多端的元首（社会管理机构——所谓的政府），可以废除作恶多端的元首。专制国家，人民连表达自己的痛苦的基本权利都没有，言论完全被国家控制。

*   言论被国家控制的结果就是听任国家撒谎、骗人，听任国家的欺蒙诈骗、搜刮勒索，听任极权横行霸道。

*   没有言论自由的地方，爱国主义就发出特别震耳欲聋的噪声。爱国奴们正是维护专制国家的喉舌和自愿受雇佣的骂街妇。爱国主义在任何情况下都不会讲道理，在理屈词穷是就会像疯狗一样咬人，或者干脆躲在主人的胯下狂吠，干脆以某某权威压人。对爱国主义者的这些习气，自由主义者太熟悉不过了！

*   自由主义者清楚得很：专制国家控制言论只有一个目的——愚民。专制主义下，人民看不到世界的真实，这就便于专制统治撒谎、骗人，因为专制主义向来就是这样掩盖自己的丑恶行为，篡改事实真相、编造事实真相、隐瞒事实真相，为他作恶多端开脱。对专制主义来说，人民月不知其世界的真相就越愚蠢，就越好奴役人民。

*   但是，人民在专制主义的欺骗下多次上当，就会发现这点：专制主义的一切行为都见不得人，都不可信，人民就开始怀疑，凡专制主义的一切所谓方针政策都是愚民，因而会遭到人民的拒绝和怀疑，哪怕头脑最单纯的人民也不可能相信专制主义的那些成体系的谎言，除非他从人民已经奴化成爱国主义者。

*   控制言论是专制主义愚民的首要策略。

*   恐吓威胁是专制主义的实实在在地奴役人民的策略。

*   自由主义者清楚得很：专制国家的一切法律本身就不合法，因为它不是基于正义的法律，而是为了奴役人民而准备的圈套和陷阱和枷锁，而且不用花心思就能奴役人民。

*   自由主义者清楚得很：在专制国家，一个广为人知的现象就是人民很不情愿把一切纠纷诉诸专制国家的法庭，那里不是伸张正义的地方而是让人民再次受侮辱和受奴役和受敲诈勒索的地方。

*   自由主义者清楚得很：在专制国家，“欲加之罪何患无辞”这是太普遍的事实了。

*   自由主义者清楚得很：正义才是法律的基础，没有正义这一基础的法律是极权强加给人民的，这点，那些法学思想家没有引起足够的理解。

*   自由主义者清楚得很：专制主义国家的法律是不合法的，但专制主义经常说什么依法治国，这完全等同于以不合法的强权奴役人们，并使这种不合法成为合法，是奴役成为合法。傻瓜法学家们还在那里自我安慰，专制主义集权在弱化，只要依法治国。

*   自由主义者说，专制主义国家沒有现代意义上的法律——基于民主政治的法律。

*   自由主义者说，爱国者们阻碍民主政治的推行；逆人类历史潮流的，在今天主要是爱国主义者们，违人民自由存在的，在今天主要是爱国主义者们。

*   自由主义者说，爱国主义消失，民主政治就会开始。

*   自由主义者说，专制主义国家中的知识奴隶正在制造花样新颖的奴役；专制主义国家的钦定精英成了专制政权奴役人民的智囊团、参谋部、策划者。

*   自由主义者说，专制主义国家中的文化奴隶正在以所谓文化的方式为专制政治涂脂抹粉、美容，掩盖专制主义的邪恶嘴脸。

*   自由主义者说，文化奴隶是极度充满本民族文化迷恋的性别倒错者。

*   自由主义者说，一个民族文化在丰富，只要缺少民主思想、自由理念、人道精神，这个民族文化越丰富就越是垃圾、废物和毒品。

*   自由主义者说，自由存在着的民族才是产生人类文化精髓的民族，值得人类尊敬的民族。

*   自由主义者说，衡量人类社会的好坏，只有一个标准：每个个人自由的程度，而非政治势力、军事力量、人口众多、地大物博、经济繁荣。

*   自由主义者说，自由是检验人类行为、制度体制、道德善恶、文化优劣的唯一标准，这是人类生活、生存的唯一真理。绝对真理，人和神须臾不可缺的真理。

*   自由主义者嘲笑民族的文化奴隶，嘲笑民族自大狂奴隶。

*   自由主义者嘲笑缺少民主思想、自由理念、人道精神的一切民族文化。

*   自由主义者最新发现：道德奴隶是国家奴隶的又一个品种。这会让很多吃惊。

*   假道德之名大行指责之能事，对这个品种的发现是有史以来的思想中最值得惊奇的事。这种道德奴隶随处可见，在指责他人时处处以道德压人、处处以道德家自居、处处教导别人要有道德感和责任心、处处要求他人做这做那、处处评判他人的所作所为、处处以他们的假道德来评判是非善恶美丑。

*   道德奴隶几乎把传统习俗和从小就被灌输的国家意识形态作为道德，而他们自己从来就不知道道德是什么。奇怪的，是这部分道德奴隶几乎在爱国主义者的行列中充当了这样一个角色：十处打锣九处有他们在场。

*   道德奴隶有一种道貌岸然的说话方式，他们的口头禅太多了，比如“做事先做人”、“多行不义必自毙”、“善有善报恶有恶报”、“得饶人处且饶人”、“与人为善”、"善待他人"、“多做事少说话”、、、、、、他们随时在用格言警句说话。

*   但是道德奴隶他们自己忘了或拒不承认“好指责”是不道德的行为。

*   道德奴隶就是这样的一种爱国主义者——处处要求他人要有道德，对自己的道德不道德视而不见。道德奴隶决不反思自己的品行。这种爱国奴为害人民的子孙后代的道德建立。

*   自由主义者从来就体认到道德是后起的，是一种否定价值的东西——当邪恶出现时，道德才出现，是为反抗邪恶而生成的，是具有自由意识的人才会生成出来的用意抵抗邪恶的保护行为，保护自己的自由不被侵犯的行为方式。

*   道德奴隶出现在专制国家一点也不奇怪，因为他们把从小就被灌输的意识形态当作道德，所以他们把爱国主义当作道德规范，处处以“你爱不爱国”、“你是不是我们国家的人”、“你咋吃里爬外”、“你咋崇洋媚外”、“你咋厌恶我们国家，这可是祖国啊”、、、、、、等等来压打人，一副高高在上的样子——伪君子的嘴脸。

*   自由主义者清楚，道德奴隶的这一套完全不是道德，是伪君子人格的更年期综合症。

*   自由主义者清楚，假道德之名指责他人的道德奴隶本身就不道德，这种模仿权威的品行直接来自专制主义的话语霸权的样板。

*   这种道德奴隶毒害青少年的独立思考能力的形成，毒害青少年的独立人格的形成，钝化自由意识。

*   自由主义者透视了专制主义及其专制国家的本质并描绘出专制主义的死狗爱奴们的谱系：知识奴隶、文化奴隶、民族奴隶、道德奴隶后，还要揭示一个被人们完全忽略了的秘密。

*   专制主义国家特别强调“国家稳定”，所有的爱国奴们也相信这点，“国家稳定 ”才能发展、强盛。自由主义者清醒得很：专制国家的稳定，只意味着人民受奴役的无尽期。如没有智障，人们可以想见这样一种可怕的事，专制国家强盛的后果是什么？难道是为了人民的解放和自由！难道是专制主义放弃对人民的奴役！难道是为了让专制主义放弃极权统治！难道是为了专制国家转化为民主社会！难道是为了人民主权，让人民自由生活！

*   “国家稳定”是专制国家一而再、再而三加以强调的，这不能不说，专制国家为了延续、延长奴役人民的第一国策是极其露骨的。但自由主义者看得清楚：专制国家所作的一切改变（所谓这样那样的改革）都是为了稳固专制统治。

*   爱国奴们对“国家稳定”深信不疑，并卖死命地加以维护，这不足为怪。真正奇怪的，是受奴役的普通民众也认为“国家稳定”是人民“安居乐业”的必要基础和起码的社会坏境。

*   自由主义者清楚得很：专制国家的稳定与人民安居乐业是绝对对立的，只有在民主国家里，人民安居乐业才有可能，才不会虚假。

*   自由主义者清楚得很：在人民没有自由的专制国家里，人民安居乐业纯粹是异想天开的蠢话，纯粹是自欺欺人的猪圈哲学。

*   自由主义者清楚得很：诚实的思想来自自由人。但人类有太多的假思想了，这些假思想被学究们称为学术。自由主义者知道，思想不是学术，而是说出真理。

*   自由是人类的第一真理，没有自由，人就不是人。真理是如此的简单，然而被学究们弄得过于复杂，这样他们在冒充博学时、写成长篇大作时，人们就再也看不懂。自由主义者为学究们感到羞耻！

*   自由主义者的思想快乐就在于他享受思想的清晰和简单，他的彻底怀疑精神是他的智慧光芒。在今天，学者是个贬义词，他们成了知识奴隶。有学者的地方，真理和思想就被严严实实地遮蔽。

*   一切学者都有自恋倾向，认为只有他们才是人类文化的传承者和创造者，他们傲慢地自封为文明人。这实在是个大误会：人类需要学者。在自由主义者看来，人类不需要学者，只需要个人自由存在着、个人不受奴役地生存着、个人有尊严地生活着。

*   在自由主义者看来，当个人的自由受到威胁、当个人受到奴役、当个人屈辱地活着时，学者毫无用处，他们只会废话、蠢话连篇，成为专制主义的宫廷奴才。

*   在自由主义者看来，当个人的自由受到威胁、当个人受到奴役、当个人屈辱地活着时，人类需要诚实的朴素的思想家说出真相，需要充满无畏的彻底怀精神的自由主义者揭露为什么个人的自由受到威胁、当个人受到奴役、当个人屈辱地活着的原因。

*   专制国家害怕诚实的朴素的思想和自由的真理。专制国家迫害思想家和自由主义者是常事，因为它害怕人民觉醒：原来我本自由，却被夺走。

*   人民觉醒是迟早的事，但专制主义国家要想方设法延长它的专制统治和奴役人民的时间，所以专制主义宠爱它的贴心奴隶——爱国主义者们。因为爱国奴们的存在，人民觉醒得太迟了，迟得来几乎让人不相信还有人民存在。

*   专制主义这一人类最落后的政治目前实质上危机四伏，这从下面的事实中表现最为充分：不断撤换官员、买卖官衔、经济病态、政治标语口号满天飞、司法一塌糊涂、与周边邻国的关系极差、处处为民众设置行政障碍、处处搞政绩形象工程。政治作秀成为所有大小官员的嗜好。假大空成为整个国家的性格。

*   民众清楚，到处是腐败。但只有自由主义者才有清醒的头脑，说出专制主义那貌似强大的花哨的外表下早已周身烂透，寿命岌岌可危，人民没有必要害怕这个患上癌症晚期的巨无霸。但是爱国奴们还在助纣为虐。

*   自由主义者还有新发现，他将告诉人民这一发现：话语奴隶。

*   专制主义国家的官方媒体是话语奴隶的舞台，他们充当了专制国家的极权政治的宣传员、鼓动员，极尽奴隶本性地赞颂国家，为国家进行强势撒谎，掩盖国家的邪恶，美化国家的丑恶，为国家奴役人民进行辩护，为极权说教。把镜头对准那些说国家好的被愚弄得糊涂透顶的民众。

*   话语奴隶就是官方媒体的官方记者，这群恶奴几乎霸占了所有的话语权，而且还控制着非官方媒体的言论。

*   话语奴隶随时随地为专制国家搜集有利于专制统治的言论、图像资料，再加以惑人的组合加工，美化着专制国家的恶魔嘴脸。搜集不到就临时编造，或断章取义，任意阉割，胡乱拼接有利于专制统治的言论、图像资料。如果说人民还迟迟不能醒来的话，那就是因为这种借科技手段进行话语霸权的话语奴隶加工制造了太多太多的麻醉人民自由意识的蒙汗药、催眠药、慢性毒品。

*   人类拥有语言就拥有了危险。语言和专制权力的结合足以让人民失去知觉、不断地昏迷。

*   有了官方记者这种职业化的话语奴隶，专制国家的病情恶化的猩红热面孔看起来精神焕发。

*   自由主义者不用费力就一眼看出话语奴隶这个现代恶奴的本质。

*   自由主义者揭开了爱国主义意识和爱国主义者们的奴隶本性，揭开了他们与专制主义政治的血脉关系。

*   自由主义者揭开了爱国主义意识的真实内容：国家意识、权力意识、忠君意识、权威意识、榜样意识、感恩意识、戏子意识、作秀意识、造假意识、欺蒙意识、自诩意识、惑众意识、淫威意识、唯我独尊意识。

*   自由主义者揭开了爱国主义者的主要谱系：知识奴隶、文化奴隶、民族奴隶、道德奴隶、话语奴隶。

*   在智力上，爱国主义者根本不是自由主义者的对手，原因在于自由主义者的彻底怀疑精神和追求真理的科学精神，随时照出爱国主义这个妖魔。

*   在人性上，自由主义者朴实、干净、独立、无迷信、无控制欲、无朋党、无私心、尚自然，同时充满人道精神、充满正义感、坦坦荡荡。所以自由主义者无所畏惧。

*   自由主义者的思想简明：人的基本存在——自由。

*   自由主义者的思想简明：人的自由不容侵犯——正义。

*   自由主义者的思想简明：法律建立在正义的基础上。专制国家没有法律，只有奴役人民的命令。

*   自由主义者的思想简明：有自由意识的人渴望自由地生存和自由的生活、渴望社会民主、渴望建立公正的社会秩序。

*   自由主义者说给人民的只有一句话：自由，天赋人权。

*   自由万岁！自由引导人民前进！自由引领人民走向幸福！

Bush: Freedom = peace

WASHINGTON, July 24 (UPI) -- U.S. President George Bush marked Captive Nations Week Thursday noting "free societies are peaceful societies."

In remarks at Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center in Washington, Bush hailed the end of the Cold War and the rapid rejection of communism across Eastern Europe.

"I believe America is the hope for the world because we are a nation that stands strongly for freedom," Bush said. "We believe every man, woman and child is given the gift of liberty by our Creator."

He added: "Free societies are peaceful societies and that's why the United States of America must continue to lead the cause of freedom."

Bush said the fight against terrorism and extremism must continue so there is never another series of attacks like on Sept. 11, 2001.

"We recognized that we're at war and we must stop new attacks before they happen," Bush said.

"In the long run, though, the best way to defeat the terrorists is to offer a hopeful alternative to their murderous ideology -- and that alternative is based on human liberty."

Remarks by President George W. Bush

On The Freedom Agenda

Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center
Washington, D.C.
July 24, 2008

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Please be seated. Henrietta, thank you for the kind introduction. I am honored to join you all today to express America's solidarity with those who yearn for liberty around the world.

Captive Nations Week was first observed in 1959, at a time when Soviet Communism seemed ascendant. Few people at that first gathering could have envisioned then what the -- that the Cold War would end the way it did -- with the triumph of the shipyard workers in Poland, a Velvet Revolution in Prague, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the peaceful collapse of the Soviet Union. Captive Nations Week is a chance for us to reflect on that remarkable history, and to honor the brave dissidents and democracy activists who helped secure freedom's victory in the great ideological struggle of the 20th century.

Captive Nation Week is also a chance to reflect on the challenges we face in the 21st century -- the challenge of the new ideological struggle against violent extremism. In this struggle, we can go forward with confidence -- free nations have faced determined enemies before and have prevailed, and we will prevail again.

I appreciate your leadership of USAID, Henrietta; and I want to thank all those who work for this very important Agency. I appreciate you being on the front lines of compassion and decency and liberty.

I'm honored to be here with the Secretary of Commerce, Carlos Gutierrez. The Cuban dissidents have no better friend than Carlos Gutierrez. Think about America -- Carlos was raised, born in Cuba. Today he sits in the Cabinet of the President of the United States. I love what our country represents. And Carlos, I thank you for serving.

I'm proud to be here with Ambassador John Negroponte. He's the Deputy Secretary of the Department of State. Deputy Secretary of Defense, Gordon England, is with us. Ambassador Mark Dybul, U.S. Global AIDS Coordinator. Thanks for coming, Mark. Other members of the administration -- a lot of members from the Diplomatic Corps. Thank you for coming. I'm proud to be in your presence.

I believe America is the hope for the world because we are a nation that stands strongly for freedom. We believe every man, woman, and child is given the gift of liberty by our Creator. That's a fundamental belief of the United States. This cherished belief has guided our leaders from America's earliest days.

We see this belief in George Washington's assertion that freedom's cause, as he put it, the cause is "the cause of mankind."

We see it in Lincoln's summoning of "the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands, everywhere."

We see it in Wilson's pledge to make the world "safe for democracy" in World War I, and FDR's determination to make America "the arsenal of democracy" in World War II.

We see it in Kennedy's promise to "pay any price ? to assure the survival and success of liberty," and Ronald Reagan's call to "move toward a world in which all people are at last free to determine their own destiny."

Over the years, different Presidents, from different eras, and different political parties, have acted to defend and advance the cause of liberty. These actions included bold policies such as the Lend-Lease Act, the Marshall Plan, the Berlin Airlift, the creation of NATO and the Voice of America, support for freedom fighters in Central America, and the liberation of Grenada and Panama. And because we were steadfast in liberty's defense, the cause of freedom prevailed.

At the dawn of a new century, our belief in the universality of freedom is being challenged once again. We saw the challenge on September the 11th, 2001. On that day terrorists, harbored by a tyrannical regime thousands of miles from America, brought death and destruction to our shores. We learned important lessons: To protect America, we must fight the enemy abroad so we don't have to face them here at home. And to protect America, we must defeat the ideology of hatred by spreading the hope of freedom.

Over the past seven years, this is exactly what we have done. Since 9/11, we recognized that we're at war and we must stop new attacks before they happen -- not wait until after they happen. So we're giving our intelligence and law enforcement and homeland security professionals the tools they need to stop terrorists before they strike again. We're transforming our military to meet the threats of a new century. We're putting pressure on the enemy. We've captured or killed thousands of terrorists -- including most of those responsible for the September the 11th attacks. We've removed regimes in Afghanistan and Iraq that threatened our citizens and the peace in the world. And now we're helping the people of those two nations fight the terrorists who want to establish new safe havens from which to launch attacks on America and our friends.

In the long run, though, the best way to defeat the terrorists is to offer a hopeful alternative to their murderous ideology -- and that alternative is based on human liberty. We've seen a hopeful beginning for the cause of liberty at the start of the 21st century. Over the last seven years, we've seen the citizens in Afghanistan and Iraq emerge from tyranny to establish representative governments. We've seen citizens in Georgia and Ukraine stand up for their right to free and fair elections. We've seen people in Lebanon take to the streets to demand their independence. We've seen strides toward democracy taken by nations such as Kuwait and Liberia, Mauritania and Morocco, and Pakistan.

It's in our national interest to continue liberty's advance -- because we know from history that the advance of freedom is necessary for our security and for world peace. Just think about World War II. During that conflict Japan and Germany were enemies of America who invaded their neighbors and destabilized the world. And today, Japan and Germany are strong democracies and good friends and strong allies in the cause of peace.

During the Cold War, the nations of Central and Eastern Europe were part of the Warsaw Pact alliance that was poised to attack Western Europe. Today, most of those nations are members of the NATO alliance, who are using their freedom to aid the rise of other young democracies. In these experiences, we have seen the transformative power of freedom. We've seen that free societies don't harbor terrorists, or launch unprovoked attacks on their neighbors. Free societies are peaceful societies. And that is why the United States of America must continue to cause -- to lead the cause of freedom.

Over the past seven years, we've learned that leading the cause of freedom requires combating hopelessness in struggling nations. Combating hopelessness is in America's security interests, because the only way our enemies can recruit people to their dark ideology is to exploit distress and despair. Combating hopelessness is in our moral interests -- Americans believe that to whom much is given, much is required. So the challenge for America in the years ahead is to continue to help people in struggling nations achieve freedom from corruption, freedom from disease, freedom from poverty, freedom from hunger and freedom from tyranny.

In the years ahead America must continue to use our foreign assistance to promote democracy and good government. Increased aid alone will not help nations overcome institutional challenges that hold entire societies back. To be effective, our aid must be targeted to encourage the development of free and accountable institutions.

In the past seven years we've more than doubled the federal budget for democracy and governance and human rights programs. We've increased the budget for the National Endowment of Democracy by more than 150 percent since 2001. We've transformed the way we deliver aid by creating the Millennium Challenge Account, which is a new approach to foreign assistance, which offers support to developing nations that fight corruption, and govern justly, and open their economies, and invest in the health and education of their people. The challenge for future presidents and future Congresses will be to ensure that America's generosity remains tied to the promotion of transparency and accountability and prosperity.

In the years ahead, America must continue to promote free trade and open investment. Over the long term, trade and investment are the best ways to fight poverty and build strong and prosperous societies. Over the past seven years, we expanded the African Growth and Opportunity Act, which is spreading prosperity by dramatically increasing trade between the United States and Africa; implemented free trade agreements with 11 countries, creating hope and opportunity for both our citizens and the citizens of these nations. We're striving to make this the year that the world completes an ambitious Doha trade agreement -- will open up new markets for Americans' goods and services and help alleviate poverty around the world. The challenge for future presidents and future Congresses is to reject the false temptation of protectionism and keep the world open for trade.

In the years ahead, America must continue to fight against disease. Nations afflicted with debilitating public health crises cannot build strong and prosperous societies for their citizens. America is helping these nations replace disease and despair with healing and hope. We're working in 15 African nations to cut the number of malaria-related deaths in half. Our Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, known as PEPFAR, is supporting the treatment of more than 1.7 million people. And Congress will soon pass legislation to significantly expand this vital initiative. We're expanding our efforts to train health workers for the poorest countries, to treat key neglected tropical diseases such as river blindness and hookworm. The challenge for future presidents and future Congresses will be to continue this commitment, so that we can lift the shadow of malaria and HIV/AIDS and other diseases once and for all.

In the years ahead, America must continue to lead the fight against global hunger. Nobel Prize winner Norman Borlaug once said: "You can't build peace on empty stomachs." Americans are answering the call to feed the hungry. This year, the United States has provided more than $1.8 billion in new funds to bolster global food security. We're the world's largest provider of food aid. I strongly believe we must transform the way that our food aid is delivered. One innovative proposal is to purchase up to 25 percent of our food assistance directly from farmers in developing world. This would help build up local agriculture; it will help break the cycle of famine. And I ask the United States Congress to approve this measure as soon as possible. The challenge for future presidents and future Congresses will be to find still other innovative ways to alleviate hunger while promoting greater self-reliance in developing nations.

In the years ahead, America must continue to lead the cause of human rights. The Soviet dissident Andrei Amalrik once compared a tyrannical state to a soldier who holds a rifle on his enemy, until his arms finally tire and the prisoner escapes. It's important we never strengthen the arms. The role of free nations like ours is to put pressure on the arms of the world's tyrants and strengthen the prisoners who are striving for their liberty.

Over the past seven years, we've spoken out against human rights abuses by tyrannical regimes like those in Iran, Sudan, and Syria and Zimbabwe. We've spoken candidly about human rights with nations with whom we've got good relations, such as Egypt and Saudi Arabia and China. In keeping with this commitment, today I renew my call for the release of all prisoners of conscience around the world -- including Ayman Nour of Egypt, Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma, Oscar Biscet of Cuba, Riad Seif of Syria.

To ensure our government continues to speak out for those who have no other voice, I recently issued a directive instructing all senior U.S. officials serving in undemocratic countries to maintain regular contact with political dissidents and democracy activists. The challenge for future presidents and future Congresses is to ensure that America always stands with those seeking freedom -- and never hesitates to shine the light of conscience on abuses of human rights across the world.

As Henrietta mentioned, with us today are individuals who suffered terribly in the cause of freedom, and whose stories inspire our country, and their examples of resilience and resolve should give us courage. I'm not going to mention all the ones I met, but I'd like to make -– mention some.

First, we stand with Blanca Gonzalez. Her son, Normando Hernandez Gonzalez, remains in Castro's gulag for speaking the truth about the Cuban regime. Bienvenidos. (Applause.)

We stand with Olga Kozulina. Her father, Alexander Kozulin, remains in prison in Belarus for the "crime" of running for President. Welcome. (Applause.)

We stand with Manouchehr Mohammedi. Both he and his brother were viciously tortured by the Iranian authorities. He was the only one who survived and escaped. Welcome to America. (Applause.)

We stand with Cho Jin Hae, who witnessed several of her family members starve to death in North Korea. She herself was tortured by the communist authorities. (Applause.)

Thank you all for coming. I thank the others who took time out of their day to meet me, as well. I appreciate your testament to the universal desire for freedom.

This morning, I have a message for all those throughout the world who languish in tyranny: I know there are moments when it feels like you're alone in your struggle. And you're not alone. America hears you. Millions of our citizens stand with you, and hope still lives -- even in bleak places and in dark moments.

Even now, change is stirring in places like Havana and Damascus and Tehran. The people of these nations dream of a free future, hope for a free future, and believe that a free future will come. And it will. May God be with them in their struggle. America always will be.

Thank you for letting me come by, and may God bless you all. (Applause.)

Dissident President
George W. Bush has the courage to speak out for freedom.

There are two distinct marks of a dissident. First, dissidents are fired by ideas and stay true to them no matter the consequences. Second, they generally believe that betraying those ideas would constitute the greatest of moral failures. Give up, they say to themselves, and evil will triumph. Stand firm, and they can give hope to others and help change the world.

Political leaders make the rarest of dissidents. In a democracy, a leader's lifeline is the electorate's pulse. Failure to be in tune with public sentiment can cripple any administration and undermine any political agenda. Moreover, democratic leaders, for whom compromise is critical to effective governance, hardly ever see any issue in Manichaean terms. In their world, nearly everything is colored in shades of gray.

That is why President George W. Bush is such an exception. He is a man fired by a deep belief in the universal appeal of freedom, its transformative power, and its critical connection to international peace and stability. Even the fiercest critics of these ideas would surely admit that Mr. Bush has championed them both before and after his re-election, both when he was riding high in the polls and now that his popularity has plummeted, when criticism has come from longstanding opponents and from erstwhile supporters.

With a dogged determination that any dissident can appreciate, Mr. Bush, faced with overwhelming opposition, stands his ideological ground, motivated in large measure by what appears to be a refusal to countenance moral failure.

I myself have not been uncritical of Mr. Bush. Like my teacher, Andrei Sakharov, I agree with the president that promoting democracy is critical for international security. But I believe that too much focus has been placed on holding quick elections, while too little attention has been paid to help build free societies by protecting those freedoms--of conscience, speech, press, religion, etc.--that lie at democracy's core.

I believe that such a mistaken approach is one of the reasons why a terrorist organization such as Hamas could come to power through ostensibly democratic means in a Palestinian society long ruled by fear and intimidation.

I also believe that not enough effort has been made to turn the policy of promoting democracy into a bipartisan effort. The enemies of freedom must know that the commitment of the world's lone superpower to help expand freedom beyond its borders will not depend on the results of the next election.

Yet despite these criticisms, I recognize that I have the luxury of criticizing Mr. Bush's democracy agenda only because there is a democracy agenda in the first place. A policy that for years had been nothing more than the esoteric subject of occasional academic debate is now the focal point of American statecraft.

For decades, a "realism" based on a myopic perception of international stability prevailed in the policy-making debate. For a brief period during the Cold War, the realist policy of accommodating Soviet tyranny was replaced with a policy that confronted that tyranny and made democracy and human rights inside the Soviet Union a litmus test for superpower relations.

The enormous success of such a policy in bringing the Cold War to a peaceful end did not stop most policy makers from continuing to advocate an approach to international stability that was based on coddling "friendly" dictators and refusing to support the aspirations of oppressed peoples to be free.

Then came Sept. 11, 2001. It seemed as though that horrific day had made it clear that the price for supporting "friendly" dictators throughout the Middle East was the creation of the world's largest breeding ground of terrorism. A new political course had to be charted.

Today, we are in the midst of a great struggle between the forces of terror and the forces of freedom. The greatest weapon that the free world possesses in this struggle is the awesome power of its ideas.

The Bush Doctrine, based on a recognition of the dangers posed by non-democratic regimes and on committing the United States to support the advance of democracy, offers hope to many dissident voices struggling to bring democracy to their own countries. The democratic earthquake it has helped unleash, even with all the dangers its tremors entail, offers the promise of a more peaceful world.

Critics rail against every step on the new and difficult road on which the United States has embarked. Yet in pointing out the many pitfalls which have not been avoided and those which still can be, those critics would be wise to remember that the alternative road leads to the continued oppression of hundreds of millions of people and the continued festering of the pathologies that led to 9/11.

Now that President Bush is increasingly alone in pushing for freedom, I can only hope that his dissident spirit will continue to persevere. For should that spirit break, evil will indeed triumph, and the consequences for our world would be disastrous.

Mr. Sharansky spent nine years as a political prisoner in the Soviet Gulag. A former deputy prime minister of Israel and currently a member of the Knesset, he is co-author, with Ron Dermer, of "The Case For Democracy: The Power of Freedom to Overcome Tyranny and Terror" (PublicAffairs, 2004). You can buy "The Case For Democracy" at the OpinionJournal bookstore here.

For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
June 5, 2007

President Bush Visits Prague, Czech Republic, Discusses Freedom
Large Hall
Czernin Palace
Prague, Czech Republic

4:07 P.M. (Local)

THE PRESIDENT: President Ilves, Foreign Minister Schwarzenberg, distinguished guests: Laura and I are pleased to be back in Prague, and we appreciate the gracious welcome in this historic hall. Tomorrow I attend the G-8 Summit, where I will meet with the leaders of the world's most powerful economies. This afternoon, I stand with men and women who represent an even greater power -- the power of human conscience.

In this room are dissidents and democratic activists from 17 countries on five continents. You follow different traditions, you practice different faiths, and you face different challenges. But you are united by an unwavering conviction: that freedom is the non-negotiable right of every man, woman, and child, and that the path to lasting peace in our world is liberty. (Applause.)

This conference was conceived by three of the great advocates for freedom in our time: Jose Maria Aznar, Vaclav Havel, and Natan Sharansky. I thank them for the invitation to address this inspiring assembly, and for showing the world that an individual with moral clarity and courage can change the course of history.

It is fitting that we meet in the Czech Republic -- a nation at the heart of Europe, and of the struggle for freedom on this continent. Nine decades ago, Tomas Masaryk proclaimed Czechoslovakia's independence based on the "ideals of modern democracy." That democracy was interrupted, first by the Nazis and then by the communists, who seized power in a shameful coup that left the Foreign Minister dead in the courtyard of this palace.

Through the long darkness of Soviet occupation, the true face of this nation was never in doubt. The world saw it in the reforms of the Prague Spring and the principled demands of Charter 77. Those efforts were met with tanks and truncheons and arrests by secret police. But the violent would not have the final word. In 1989, thousands gathered in Wenceslas Square to call for their freedom. Theaters like the Magic Lantern became headquarters for dissidents. Workers left their factories to support a strike. And within weeks, the regime crumbled. Vaclav Havel went from prisoner of state to head of state. And the people of Czechoslovakia brought down the Iron Curtain with a Velvet Revolution.

Across Europe, similar scenes were unfolding. In Poland, a movement that began in a single shipyard freed people across a nation. In Hungary, mourners gathered at Heroes Square to bury a slain reformer -- and bury their communist regime, too. In East Germany, families came together for prayer meetings -- and found the strength to tear down a wall. Soon, activists emerged from the attics and church basements to reclaim the streets of Bulgaria, and Romania, and Albania, and Latvia, and Lithuania, and Estonia. The Warsaw Pact was dissolved peacefully in this very room. And after seven decades of oppression, the Soviet Union ceased to exist.

Behind these astonishing achievements was the triumph of freedom in the battle of ideas. The communists had an imperial ideology that claimed to know the directions of history. But in the end, it was overpowered by ordinary people who wanted to live their lives, and worship their God, and speak the truth to their children. The communists had the harsh rule of Brezhnev, and Honecker, and Ceausescu. But in the end, it was no match for the vision of Walesa and Havel, the defiance of Sakharov and Sharansky, the resolve of Reagan and Thatcher, and fearless witness of John Paul. From this experience, a clear lesson has emerged: Freedom can be resisted, and freedom can be delayed, but freedom cannot be denied.

In the years since liberation, Central and Eastern European nations have navigated the difficult transition to democracy. Leaders made the tough reforms needed to enter NATO and the European Union. Citizens claimed their freedom in the Balkans and beyond. And now, after centuries of war and suffering, the continent of Europe is at last in peace.

With this new era have come new threats to freedom. In dark and repressive corners of the world, whole generations grew up with no voice in their government and no hope in their future. This life of oppression bred deep resentment. And for many, resentment boiled over into radicalism and extremism and violence. The world saw the result on September the 11th, 2001, when terrorists based in Afghanistan sent 19 suicidal men to murder nearly 3,000 innocent people in the United States.

For some, this attack called for a narrow response. In truth, 9/11 was evidence of a much broader danger -- an international movement of violent Islamic extremists that threatens free people everywhere. The extremists' ambition is to build a totalitarian empire that spans all current and former Muslim lands, including parts of Europe. Their strategy to achieve that goal is to frighten the world into surrender through a ruthless campaign of terrorist murder.

To confront this enemy, America and our allies have taken the offensive with the full range of our military, intelligence, and law enforcement capabilities. Yet this battle is more than a military conflict. Like the Cold War, it's an ideological struggle between two fundamentally different visions of humanity. On one side are the extremists, who promise paradise, but deliver a life of public beatings and repression of women and suicide bombings. On the other side are huge numbers of moderate men and women -- including millions in the Muslim world -- who believe that every human life has dignity and value that no power on Earth can take away.

The most powerful weapon in the struggle against extremism is not bullets or bombs -- it is the universal appeal of freedom. Freedom is the design of our Maker, and the longing of every soul. Freedom is the best way to unleash the creativity and economic potential of a nation. Freedom is the only ordering of a society that leads to justice. And human freedom is the only way to achieve human rights.

Expanding freedom is more than a moral imperative -- it is the only realistic way to protect our people in the long run. Years ago, Andrei Sakharov warned that a country that does not respect the rights of its own people will not respond to the rights of its neighbors. History proves him right. Governments accountable to their people do not attack each other. Democracies address problems through the political process, instead of blaming outside scapegoats. Young people who can disagree openly with their leaders are less likely to adopt violent ideologies. And nations that commit to freedom for their people will not support extremists -- they will join in defeating them.

For all these reasons, the United States is committed to the advance of freedom and democracy as the great alternatives to repression and radicalism. (Applause.) And we have a historic objective in view. In my second inaugural address, I pledged America to the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world. Some have said that qualifies me as a "dissident president." If standing for liberty in the world makes me a dissident, I wear that title with pride. (Applause.)

America pursues our freedom agenda in many ways -- some vocal and visible, others quiet and hidden from view. Ending tyranny requires support for the forces of conscience that undermine repressive societies from within. The Soviet dissident Andrei Amalrik compared a tyrannical state to a soldier who constantly points a gun at his enemy -- until his arms finally tire and the prisoner escapes. The role of the free world is to put pressure on the arms of the world's tyrants -- and strengthen the prisoners who are trying to speed their collapse.

So I meet personally with dissidents and democratic activists from some of the world's worst dictatorships -- including Belarus, and Burma, and Cuba, and North Korea, Sudan, and Zimbabwe. At this conference, I look forward to meeting other dissidents, including some from Iran and Syria. One of those dissidents is Mamoun Homsi. In 2001, this man was an independent member of the Syrian parliament who simply issued a declaration asking the government to begin respecting human rights. For this entirely peaceful act, he was arrested and sent to jail, where he spent several years beside other innocent advocates for a free Syria.

Another dissident I will meet here is Rebiyah Kadeer of China, whose sons have been jailed in what we believe is an act of retaliation for her human rights activities. The talent of men and women like Rebiyah is the greatest resource of their nations, far more valuable than the weapons of their army or their oil under the ground. America calls on every nation that stifles dissent to end its repression, to trust its people, and to grant its citizens the freedom they deserve. (Applause.)

There are many dissidents who couldn't join us because they are being unjustly imprisoned or held under house arrest. I look forward to the day when a conference like this one include Alexander Kozulin of Belarus, Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma, Oscar Elias Biscet of Cuba, Father Nguyen Van Ly of Vietnam, Ayman Nour of Egypt. (Applause.) The daughter of one of these political prisoners is in this room. I would like to say to her, and all the families: I thank you for your courage. I pray for your comfort and strength. And I call for the immediate and unconditional release of your loved ones. (Applause.)

In the eyes of America, the democratic dissidents today are the democratic leaders of tomorrow. So we're taking new steps to strengthen our support. We recently created a Human Rights Defenders Fund, which provides grants for the legal defense and medical expenses of activists arrested or beaten by repressive governments. I strongly support the Prague Document that your conference plans to issue, which states that "the protection of human rights is critical to international peace and security." And in keeping with the goals of that declaration, I have asked Secretary Rice to send a directive to every U.S. ambassador in an un-free nation: Seek out and meet with activists for democracy. Seek out those who demand human rights. (Applause.)

People living in tyranny need to know they are not forgotten. North Koreans live in a closed society where dissent is brutally suppressed, and they are cut off from their brothers and sisters to the south. The Iranians are a great people who deserve to chart their own future, but they are denied their liberty by a handful of extremists whose pursuit of nuclear weapons prevents their country from taking its rightful place amongst the thriving. The Cubans are desperate for freedom -- and as that nation enters a period of transition, we must insist on free elections and free speech and free assembly. (Applause.) And in Sudan, freedom is denied and basic human rights are violated by a government that pursues genocide against its own citizens. My message to all those who suffer under tyranny is this: We will never excuse your oppressors. We will always stand for your freedom. (Applause.)

Freedom is also under assault in countries that have shown some progress. In Venezuela, elected leaders have resorted to shallow populism to dismantle democratic institutions and tighten their grip on power. The government of Uzbekistan continues to silence independent voices by jailing human rights activists. And Vietnam recently arrested and imprisoned a number of peaceful religious and political activists.

These developments are discouraging, but there are more reasons for optimism. At the start of the 1980s, there were only 45 democracies on Earth. There are now more than 120 democracies -- more people now live in freedom than ever before. And it is the responsibility of those who enjoy the blessings of liberty to help those who are struggling to establish their free societies. So the United States has nearly doubled funding for democracy projects. We're working with our partners in the G-8 to promote the rise of a vibrant civil society in the Middle East through initiatives like the Forum for the Future. We're cooperating side-by-side with the new democracies in Ukraine and Georgia and Kyrgyzstan. We congratulate the people of Yemen on their landmark presidential election, and the people of Kuwait on elections in which women were able to vote and run for office for the first time. (Applause.) We stand firmly behind the people of Lebanon and Afghanistan and Iraq as they defend their democratic gains against extremist enemies. (Applause.) These people are making tremendous sacrifices for liberty. They deserve the admiration of the free world, and they deserve our unwavering support. (Applause.)

The United States is also using our influence to urge valued partners like Egypt and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan to move toward freedom. These nations have taken brave stands and strong action to confront extremists, along with some steps to expand liberty and transparency. Yet they have a great distance still to travel. The United States will continue to press nations like these to open up their political systems, and give greater voice to their people. Inevitably, this creates tension. But our relationships with these countries are broad enough and deep enough to bear it. As our relationships with South Korea and Taiwan during the Cold War prove, America can maintain a friendship and push a nation toward democracy at the same time. (Applause.)

We're also applying that lesson to our relationships with Russia and China. (Applause.) The United States has strong working relationships with these countries. Our friendship with them is complex. In the areas where we share mutual interests, we work together. In other areas, we have strong disagreements. China's leaders believe that they can continue to open the nation's economy without opening its political system. We disagree. (Applause.) In Russia, reforms that were once promised to empower citizens have been derailed, with troubling implications for democratic development. Part of a good relationship is the ability to talk openly about our disagreements. So the United States will continue to build our relationships with these countries -- and we will do it without abandoning our principles or our values. (Applause.)

We appreciate that free societies take shape at different speeds in different places. One virtue of democracy is that it reflects local history and traditions. Yet there are fundamental elements that all democracies share -- freedom of speech, religion, press, and assembly; rule of law enforced by independent courts; private property rights; and political parties that compete in free and fair elections. (Applause.) These rights and institutions are the foundation of human dignity, and as countries find their own path to freedom, they must find a loyal partner in the United States of America.

Extending the reach of freedom is a mission that unites democracies around the world. Some of the greatest contributions are coming from nations with the freshest memories of tyranny. I appreciate the Czech Republic's support for human rights projects in Belarus and Burma and Cuba. I thank Germany, and Poland, and the Czech Republic, and Hungary, and Slovenia, and Georgia, Lithuania, Estonia, Croatia for contributing to the new United Nations Democracy Fund. I'm grateful for the commitment many new democracies in Central and Eastern Europe are making to Afghanistan and Iraq. I appreciate that these countries are willing to do the hard work necessary to enable people who want to be free to live in a free society. (Applause.)

In all these ways, the freedom agenda is making a difference. The work has been difficult, and that is not going to change. There will be triumphs and failures, progress and setbacks. Ending tyranny cannot be achieved overnight. And of course, this objective has its critics.

Some say that ending tyranny means "imposing our values" on people who do not share them, or that people live in parts of the world where freedom cannot take hold. That is refuted by the fact that every time people are given a choice, they choose freedom. We saw that when the people of Latin America turned dictatorships into democracies, and the people of South Africa replaced apartheid with a free society, and the people of Indonesia ended their long authoritarian rule. We saw it when Ukrainians in orange scarves demanded that their ballots be counted. We saw it when millions of Afghans and Iraqis defied the terrorists to elect free governments. At a polling station in Baghdad, I was struck by the words of an Iraqi -- he had one leg -- and he told a reporter, "I would have crawled here if I had to." Was democracy -- I ask the critics, was democracy imposed on that man? Was freedom a value he did not share? The truth is that the only ones who have to impose their values are the extremists and the radicals and the tyrants. (Applause.)

And that is why the communists crushed the Prague Spring, and threw an innocent playwright in jail, and trembled at the sight of a Polish Pope. History shows that ultimately, freedom conquers fear. And given a chance, freedom will conquer fear in every nation on Earth. (Applause.)

Another objective -- objection is that ending tyranny will unleash chaos. Critics point to the violence in Afghanistan, or Iraq, or Lebanon as evidence that freedom leaves people less safe. But look who's causing the violence. It's the terrorists, it's the extremists. It is no coincidence that they are targeting young democracies in the Middle East. They know that the success of free societies there is a mortal threat to their ambitions -- and to their very survival. The fact that our enemies are fighting back is not a reason to doubt democracy. It is evidence that they recognize democracy's power. It is evidence that we are at war. And it is evidence that free nations must do what it takes to prevail. (Applause.)

Still, some argue that a safer goal would be stability, especially in the Middle East. The problem is that pursuing stability at the expense of liberty does not lead to peace -- it leads to September the 11th, 2001. (Applause.) The policy of tolerating tyranny is a moral and strategic failure. It is a mistake the world must not repeat in the 21st century.

Others fear that democracy will bring dangerous forces to power, such as Hamas in the Palestinian Territories. Elections will not always turn out the way we hope. Yet democracy consists of more than a single trip to the ballot box. Democracy requires meaningful opposition parties, a vibrant civil society, a government that enforces the law and responds to the needs of its people. Elections can accelerate the creation of such institutions. In a democracy, people will not vote for a life of perpetual violence. To stay in power, elected officials must listen to their people and pursue their desires for peace -- or, in democracies, the voters will replace them through free elections.

Finally, there's the contention that ending tyranny is unrealistic. Well, some argue that extending democracy around the world is simply too difficult to achieve. That's nothing new. We've heard that criticism before throughout history. At every stage of the Cold War, there were those who argued that the Berlin Wall was permanent, and that people behind the Iron Curtain would never overcome their oppressors. History has sent a different message.

The lesson is that freedom will always have its skeptics. But that's not the whole story. There are also people like you, and the loved ones you represent -- men and women with courage to risk everything for your ideals. In his first address as President, Vaclav Havel proclaimed, "People, your government has returned to you!" He was echoing the first speech of Tomas Masaryk -- who was, in turn, quoting the 17th century Czech teacher Comenius. His message was that freedom is timeless. It does not belong to one government or one generation. Freedom is the dream and the right of every person in every nation in every age. (Applause.)

The United States of America believes deeply in that message. It was the inspiration for our founding, when we declared that "all men are created equal." It was the conviction that led us to help liberate this continent, and stand with the captive nations through their long struggle. It is the truth that guides our nation to oppose radicals and extremists and terror and tyranny in the world today. And it is the reason I have such great confidence in the men and women in this room.

I leave Prague with a certainty that the cause of freedom is not tired, and that its future is in the best of hands. With unbreakable faith in the power of liberty, you will inspire your people, you will lead your nations, and you will change the world.

Thanks for having me. And may God bless you. (Applause.)

END 4:38 P.M. (Local)

Return to this article at:
http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2007/06/20070605-8.html

The Dissident President: Is the Bush Freedom Agenda Dead?

"If standing for liberty in the world makes me a dissident, I wear that title with pride." -- George W. Bush, Prague, 2007 In his second inaugural speech on January 20, 2005, President George W. Bush laid out a revolutionary agenda based on the belief that the survival of liberty in America now depends on the success of liberty in other nations. By Jim Hoft

“All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know: the United States will not ignore your oppression, or excuse your oppressors. When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you.”

The world took him at his word. There was an Orange Revolution in Ukraine, a Tulip Revolution in Kyrgyzstan, and a Cedar Revolution in Lebanon. It was as if the democracy movements fed off each other. It was a very exciting time.

And, that was just the beginning.

Nowhere was there more democratic upheaval than in the Middle East. There were democratic elections in Afghanistan where women were not only allowed to vote but took seats in parliament. There were democratic elections for the first time in the United Arab Emirates. Saudi Arabia released political dissidents. There were Arab democracy conferences in Qatar and women were allowed to vote in Kuwait. Egyptian judges stood up against a regime. Another regime in Libya opened up to the West. And who could forget the Iraqis walking for miles, braving terrorist death threats for the opportunity to vote in free democratic elections for the very first time.

Clockwise from top left: Bush promoting religious freedom in China, Bush is posted on placards in Azerbaijan, Bush is mobbed in Albania, Iraqi women carry Bush photos with them to the polling station on election day.

Since that Second Inaugural much has changed, both on the military battlefields of Iraq and the political battlefields back here at home. And over time America has not kept its word to the politically oppressed on several occasions including the student protests in Iran and the massive democracy demonstrations in Belarus. How did this happen?

This past week in Prague, Czech Republic I had the opportunity to discuss the Bush Freedom Agenda with American Enterprise Institute Resident Fellow and former assistant secretary of defense for international security policy, Richard Perle.

In our interview, Perle had a lot to say about the president’s remarks to the Democracy and Security Conference in Prague, Czech Republic:

“It is not often that heads of government demonstrate — as President Bush did — solidarity with dissidents. However, having said that, almost equally extraordinary is the apparent inability of the Bush Administration to follow up on the president’s vision and implement the president’s vision. It was striking in his remarks yesterday that President Bush said that he was going to instruct the Secretary of State who was in turn going to instruct our ambassadors that they should go out of their way to make contact with dissidents and the oppressed in the countries in which they are assigned where there is no openness, freedom and democracy.

What can one say? This should have been happening anyway. It shouldn’t require a presidential instruction. I will like to see whether that instruction will be actually issued and whether our ambassadors respond to it. The sad fact is that this president’s Freedom Agenda is outside the bounds of traditional bureaucratic diplomacy and so he’s having a tough time getting his own administration to implement his policies. ”

Perle sat on a at the democracy conference and made basically the same point — that the president has not been able to push his revolutionary agenda because he is not following up and holding officials accountable for following up within his own administration.

This statement rang through the halls of the Czernin Palace.

Even Natan Sharansky, the Soviet political prisoner, human rights activist, former Deputy Prime Minister of Israel and democracy leader, has noticed the democracy recess in the past year. In a recent article at the American Spectator Sharansky explained it this way:

“Though the road to democracy has certainly been rocky, what has happened over the last five years does not mean that Arabs are incapable of building a free society any more than the reign of terror or two centuries of slavery meant that the French and Americans were incapable of building a free society.”

Sharansky contends that “democracy hasn’t failed in the Middle East. Rather, it has hardly been attempted, let alone defended, despite the Bush administration’s commitments and correct understanding of its indispensability to U.S. national security.

To lose heart about the possibility of a democratic Middle East would be shortsighted at the very least. Most of the problems today are not evidence that Arabs are incapable of building free societies, but rather evidence that such societies would pose a mortal threat to the forces of tyranny and terror in the region.”

So, what’s next? Is the Bush Freedom Agenda still alive?

Graphic: David Hoft Pop Images

It certainly sounded that way last week when President Bush delivered his inspiring speech at the Prague conference, before dissidents representing 17 different countries:

“In this room are dissidents and democratic activists from 17 countries on five continents. You follow different traditions, you practice different faiths, and you face different challenges. But you are united by an unwavering conviction: that freedom is the non-negotiable right of every man, woman, and child, and that the path to lasting peace in our world is liberty. …

The most powerful weapon in the struggle against extremism is not bullets or bombs — it is the universal appeal of freedom. Freedom is the design of our Maker, and the longing of every soul. Freedom is the best way to unleash the creativity and economic potential of a nation. Freedom is the only ordering of a society that leads to justice. And human freedom is the only way to achieve human rights….

In my second inaugural address, I pledged America to the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world. Some have said that qualifies me as a “dissident president.”

If standing for liberty in the world makes me a dissident, I wear that title with pride.”

It was an impressive performance. But as Professor Anne Bayefsky noted in the National Review, “there is no doubt that this president can talk the talk. But will he walk the walk?”

After his speech, President Bush took a couple of minutes to shake hands with the dissidents who sat in reserved seats in the front row of the room. The president also spent time with the dissidents in a back room at the Czernin Palace Hall. He talked with them, listened to them, comforted and thanked them. It was a noble effort by President Bush. They each left the private session with a gift from the president.

If President Bush truly wants to give these dissidents a gift- a gift of democracy and freedom- he will hold his administration accountable. He will follow through to ensure that his demands are being carried out. He can start by checking back with his ambassadors in a few weeks to see how they are progressing. Let’s hope that he does. It may be a long time coming before such a visionary operates inside the White House.

Outside its gates, the lives of millions of oppressed people are at stake.

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5 Comments

Great artical, well written and to the point. Would be good to see more of this type of work.

What about freedom in this country? We ignore the lack of freedom in Sudan…so we know the president wasn’t being genuine. He was merely using rehtoric to justify the expansion of the central government’s power that he has helped bring about.

When total taxes for a average family come out to about 50% of income then freedom is sorely lacking! If we want to really inspire freedom int he is world then we need to live it…we are suffering economically because of Bush’s One-world-government dreams.

We need a smaller government and less warmongering! Ron Paul 2008!

Wow, good stuff. Come on George! Follow up. This makes me want to call my congressman. Great article.

I am disappointed that Bush didn’t live up to his words of 2005 inauguration speech. Thats so sad

wow! that is the George Bush I like to see and what made me to vote for him only the second time. It’s too bad that he can not communicate his ideas better for his own people. American administrations regardless of Democrat or Republican for too long protected the Abuser and turn their cheek against the abused. Remember Clinton and Rwanda!